France has been categorised by the controversial Esping-Andersen typology (1990) as a conservative welfare state regime, working as a regressive force for gender equality through the promotion of traditional gender roles (Rubery, 2015). The objection is cogent, as France has supposedly moved towards an Adult Worker Model, which “assumes paid employment for all adults in order to secure their economic independence” (Annesley, 2007 p.1), and in which women are economically independent. Lewis (2001) vividly supports this point by claiming that the Male Breadwinner Model has declined. However, the objection doesn’t take into consideration the bigger picture. As Daly (2011, p.17) points out, the Adult Worker Model remains a partial explanation of what genuinely is happening in Europe, emphasising a concrete tendency towards familisation, a process that promotes women’s role as mothers under a male breadwinner model (Cooke, 2009, p.125). In 2013, public spending on family benefits in France was over 3.5% of the GDP, which is above the OECD average of 2.45% (OECD, 2016a, p.2). This evidently indicates that parents, particularly women, are treated as family members rather than as individuals. Crompton and Lyonette (2007, p.118) further contend that France remains a “modified male-breadwinner” welfare state supporting traditional gender relations. Therefore, there is clearly some truth in the claim that the breadwinner model represents a short period of history (Crompton et al., 2007, p.15), as women’s economic independence has by and large improved. Yet, if France is in theory following a “modern” pattern of welfare, it is manifestly a “traditional” welfare state (Wall, 2007, p.87) in practice. From this stems the enduring gendered division of labour.